The neural basis of feelings

The neural basis of feelings

Recent progress in the elucidation of the neural basis of feelings has been just as remarkable. Historically, it was thought that emotion would occur when a causative object first triggered a feeling state as a result of which the body would be aroused emotionally. Feeling states elicited by a situation produced bodily manifestations, in the face and in the viscera. Late in the nineteenth century William James proposed to invert this sequence, as outlined in his 1884 paper: “Our natural way of thinking about these emotions is that the mental perception of some fact excites the mental affection called the emotion, and that this latter state of mind gives rise to the bodily expression.

My thesis on the contrary is that the bodily changes follow directly the PERCEPTION of the exciting fact and that our feeling of the same changes as they occur IS the emotion”. James was proposing something along the lines of the current view. Each emotion is a collection of bodily actions so well differentiated that the overall perception of the particular action program of a given emotion yields a distinct pattern. There were early attacks on this position and claims that the body engagement was not differentiated enough to generate distinct feelings. It was said that the body component consisted of a non-specific arousal state, no different for fear than for sadness or happiness.

Current evidence suggests, however, that the body state associated with each kind of emotion is distinctive and capable of supporting distinctive representations of emotion even if those representations are probably transformed by subcortical stations charged with transmitting signals from the body to cerebral cortex. The objections to James would not have found an audience if it were not for the unfortunate wording he used. When James stated that the feeling of the changed body is the emotion, he conflated emotions and feelings of emotions and opened the door to the arguments that undermined his position. Once it was possible to conceive of emotions-proper and feelings of emotion as distinctive components of a functional sequence, and once the mechanisms behind the triggering and execution of emotions gained clarity, the search for a physiological platform for feelings of emotion turned to somato-sensing brain regions.

At the level of the cerebral cortex the insula offered itself as a main candidate and indeed a large number of studies have shown that numerous emotional feeling states, positive as well as negative, simple or complicated, activate the insular cortex. The fact that the insula is the main cortical target of signals hailing from the body’s interior — the viscera and the internal milieu — is the likely reason for this differential activity (Damasio et al, 2000; Craig, 2002). But the neural basis of feeling states is not to be found only at the level of the cerebral cortex. We know now that complete destruction of the insula in both cerebral hemispheres does not abolish feelings, indicating that the feeling process probably begins at the level of the brain stem in nuclei which bring together at any moment information about the ongoing state of the body and can elaborate on that information. It has been suggested that the brainstem provides the most basic level of feelings — primordial feelings — whose modification would give rise to emotional feelings (Damasio, 2010). I

n brief, feelings of emotions are the perceptions of the action program that constitutes an emotion as it unfolds together with the salient representation of the causative object and with thoughts related to the situation. Organisms with simple brains need not perceive the unfolding of an emotional program for the emotional behavior to be effective. In organisms with complex brains, however, and with elaborate consciousness and memory, aspects of the feeling process are recorded and can be used for future planning and for optimized decision-making. In other words, feelings play a practical role in adaptive behavior and extend the advantages of emotions to the realm of conscious behavior. Feelings are not a useless reflection of the emotion process. Although the brain devices required to process emotions and feelings are put in place by the genome early in development, individual experience and learning introduce variations in the performance of emotions. As a consequence there is a subtle customization that makes an individual’s expressive patterns distinctive, in spite of their basic stereotypy. We laugh and cry with partially distinctive expressions. The fact that the emotional competence of objects and situations varies from individual to individual further undermines the possibility of genetic determinism.

We all generate fear responses to a number of comparable situations, but each of us has learned to fear certain objects and situations that others will not. Individual experience alters the stereotypy that might result from genomic instruction. Finally, different individuals exhibit different degrees of emotional regulation, yet another source of customization of the emotion and feeling cycle (Davidson et al, 2010). Over the course of biological evolution, emotions have allowed organisms to cope with threats originating within the body or in the environment and to take advantage of opportunities related to nutrition or mating. Emotional action programs increase survival by delivering an advantageous standard response to particular circumstances in the absence of thinking and deliberation. For species with limited cognitive abilities this is a spectacular advantage. For humans the advantages vary with the circumstances.

A rapid and comprehensive response can be beneficial, although on numerous occasions suppressing emotions and substituting a deliberated response constitutes the best response. But deliberated responses depend not only on an accumulation of factual knowledge and on the exercise of logic, but also on the past experience of emotional feelings relative to prior objects and situations.

- source: Scholarpedia.org

The neural basis of emotions

The neural basis of the emotions

There has been major progress in elucidating the neural basis of the emotions and of emotional feelings. As a result of extensive animal and human studies, the best understood emotion is fear (Damasio, 1994/2005; Le Doux, 1996; Panksepp, 1998; Feinstein et al, 2010). Fear relative to external circumstances is triggered by the amygdalae, two sets of subcortical nuclei located in the depth of each temporal lobe. The amygdalae receive signals related to a certain situation, for example, a visually represented threat such as a looming shadow or an auditorily represented threat such as a high-pitched scream. When those signals have a suitable configuration, an appropriate context, and reach a workable threshold, i.e. when they are emotionally-competent, they activate nuclei in the hypothalamus and in the sector of the brain stem known as the periaqueductal gray.

Working together those brain sites execute the requisite emotional actions — release of cortisol into the bloodstream, adjustment of heart rate, respiratory rate, degree of gut contraction, and fear-specific behaviors such as changes in facial expression and posture, and freezing in place or running away from danger. The ensemble of these actions constitutes the emotional state of fear. Thus, included in the emotional state are specific behaviors aimed at protecting the integrity of the individual, e.g. running away or freezing in place, and also a preparation of the organism meant to allow it to carry out those protective behaviors. When the situation is best handled by a flight response, the emotional state ensures that sources of energy are available in the blood stream and adjusts cardiac and respiratory functions so that they meet the metabolic needs ahead; the emotional state even provides for analgesia to offset the pain that might result from potential injuries.

In situations best dealt with by staying in place as inconspicuously as possible, the preparatory actions are radically different since no muscular effort will be needed and, immobility is instead the desired goal. The selection of fleeing or freezing responses is made automatically although humans may override the natural selection and decide for one of the other option. This fine-tuned mechanism calls for the engagement of different cellular columns of the periaqueductal gray.

Fear caused by internal events, for example, the extreme pain associated with myocardial infarction or the development of acidosis associated with CO2 inhalation, is probably triggered by chemoreceptors located subcortically, namely in the brain stem.
The emotion program of disgust is another good example of protection of the organism’s integrity. Disgust is triggered from a small region of the anterior insular cortex when certain stimuli are present, for instance, the sight of decomposing food or body waste, as well as tastes or odors from decomposing organic matter. The sight of body-boundary violations, as in a wound with blood, also causes disgust. The actions that constitute disgust include a typical facial expression and, for example, the rapid expulsion of the potentially offending food. As a result the subject will not ingest a potentially toxic food and other subjects may also be alerted to the potential danger (Harrison et al, 2010).

In the social emotion of contempt there is a rejection of certain behaviors or ideas rather than an expulsion of toxic substances or their tell-tale signs. Contempt can be seen as a biological metaphor for disgust. Significantly, we refer to actions that cause moral revulsion as “disgusting,” and the repertoire of facial expressions that accompanies a contemptuous judgment is similar to that of disgust. The advantages of contempt are apparent: the rejection of behaviors deemed dangerous to individuals or groups, and the social isolation of those who produce such behaviors.

Compassion is another emotion whose trigger region has been identified. The triggering site is located in the ventral and medial sector of the prefrontal cortex. When this region is activated by the sight of others facing a predicament, for example, an accident resulting in physical injury, facial expressions and even gestures meant to help the victims are rapidly deployed. Such actions benefit others and by extension the social group, but also result in personal benefits such as increased appreciation by others, gratitude, and thus enhanced reputation (Immordino Yang et al, 2009).


- source: scholarpedia.org

Emotions

In modern neurobiological terms, emotions are complex programs of actions triggered by the presence of certain stimuli, external to the body or from within the body, when such stimuli activate certain neural systems. Feelings of emotion, on the other hand, are perceptions of the emotional action programs. The (1) triggering systems, the (2) neural systems which execute the action program, and (3) the actions whose ensemble constitutes each emotion, were selected over evolutionary time and become available to each organism of a given species early in development thanks to that organism’s genome.

The emotions are as ubiquitous in daily life as vision, or hearing, or touch, but only recently have they received due consideration from the brain sciences. Perhaps for that reason they have been the object of many misconceptions. For example, the word emotion is usually taken to mean both a specific pattern of behavior (the emotion, in the proper sense) and a mental state related to it (known as feeling). Moreover, it is often thought that the emotion proper is triggered by a feeling that precedes it. Current research indicates, however, that “emotions” and “feelings of emotion” are distinct aspects of a functional sequence that begins when an object or situation triggers a specific behavior — the emotion — which is followed rapidly by the perception of the changes related to the behavior — the feeling of emotion. Relative to the triggering cause, the functional sequence begins with actions and culminates in perceptions. The word emotion should be reserved for the behavioral component of the sequence; it should not be used to designate the feeling component.

Another misconception concerns the idea that emotions are irrational disruptions of consciously directed behavior. However, emotions are not necessarily contrary to reason. They are best seen as older forms of reason, assembled by biological evolution and not by conscious deliberation. They operate automatically and only in response to certain classes of circumstance. They are not the result of thinking through a problem and generating a solution (for background see Darwin, 1873; de Sousa, 1990; and Nussbaum, 2003).

Throughout evolution emotions have been instruments of life regulation, that is homeostasis. Emotions contribute to the survival and well-being of individuals and groups by providing organisms with a swift, automated means to circumvent dangers and take advantage of opportunities. This is true of animals and humans. In humans, however, emotions can clash with culturally acquired conventions and rules, in which case they may indeed be disruptive and less adaptive than consciously deliberated responses. In brief, although emotions have helped shape ethical behavior in the course of evolution, they are not a substitute for decisions informed by ethics (Damasio, 2003; Damasio, 2007).
 
The deployment of an emotion accomplishes several benefits to the emoting organism. The emotional action-programs achieve those benefits by producing extensive functional changes in varied sectors of the organism — for example, in the musculature of the viscera and of the skeleton, and in the chemical profile of the internal milieu — and by causing the organism to execute certain preset behaviors. Examples of muscular changes include tachycardia or brachycardia, gut contraction or dilation, and specific facial expressions and postures. Changes in the internal milieu can come from releasing chemical molecules into the bloodstream, as happens with the hormone cortisol in the case of fear. As for behavioral changes, the examples are numerous. The movements that lead an organism to concentrate on the object that triggered the emotion, whose ensemble is known as attention, and which results in the enhanced mental salience of the object, are present in most instances of emotion. The engagement of specific behaviors such as freezing in place, fleeing from a threat, or nurturing, are good examples of complex and specific behaviors that are part and parcel of the action-program of a certain emotion.

The range of emotions is wide but finite. In humans it includes the programs of fear, disgust, sadness, joy, anger, and surprise, as well as a group of simpler programs such as enthusiasm or discouragement, known as background emotions. It also includes a group of very complex programs, usually known as social emotions, such as embarrassment, shame, guilt, contempt, compassion, and admiration.

The triggering of each emotion requires the presence of an appropriate stimulus, an emotionally-competent stimulus, which initiates the execution of the actions in the program. The execution of each emotion is quickly followed by the respective feeling state provided the brain is complex enough to permit the mapping of internal states and a minimal level of consciousness. In situations in which there are multiple emotional-competent stimuli and multiple resulting feelings, the neat sequence of emotion to feeling may appear to be blurred.

Definition of stuffed toys

A stuffed toy is a toy sewn from a textile, and stuffed with a soft material. They are also known as plush toys, plushies, or stuffed animals (U.S. English), and soft toys or cuddly toys (British English).

Textiles commonly used include plain cloth and pile textiles like plush or terrycloth. Common stuffing materials are synthetic fiber batting, cotton, straw, wood wool, plastic pellets or beans. Stuffed toys are made in many different forms, often resembling animals, legendary creatures, cartoon characters or inanimate objects. They are often used as comfort objects, for display or collecting and given as gifts, such as for graduation, Valentine's Day or birthdays.

History and types

A teddy bear, a very popular type of stuffed toy.

 

The first commercial concern to create stuffed toys was the German Steiff company in 1880. Steiff used new technology developed for upholstery to make their stuffed toys.^[1] In 1903 Richard Steiff designed a soft bear that differed from earlier traditional rag dolls, because it was made of plush furlike fabric.^[1] At the same time in the USA, Morris Michtom created the first teddy bear, after being inspired by a drawing of Theodore "Teddy" Roosevelt with a bear cub.^[2] The character Peter Rabbit from English author Beatrix Potter was the first stuffed toy to be patented, in 1903.^[3]

Sock monkeys are handmade stuffed monkeys made out of socks that first appeared during the Great Depression.^[4] Amigurumi is a Japanese type of handcrafted knitted or crocheted stuffed toys. Amigurumi are typically made to look cute with oversized heads and undersized extremities. Beginning in 2003, they are collected and sold on crafting websites like Etsy.^[5][6]
There are many brands of stuffed toys, including Beanie Babies, a line of stuffed beanbag animals, that was started in 1993. Several marketing strategies were used to encourage collecting of Beanie Babies.

 ^{- source: Wikipedia.com}

Johari's Window

Johari’s window is a concept used in psychology to explain knowledge in interpersonal relationships. It's named after its inventors, Joseph Luft and Harry Ingham. Often portrayed as a diagram in a two-by-two square shape - but here, of course, illustrated with a photo! - it depicts the four possible combinations of what is known and unknown to self and other. Let’s take a look at how Johari’s window applies to situations in which you share your photograph with others. We’ll start with the upper left window pane.

1. Known to Self / Known to Other Let’s say when other people see your photo, they offer comments about it. Maybe they say something about its subject matter, its visual qualities, the techniques used to create it, or an idea being expressed. If you nod your head in agreement, because you’re aware of these things and probably intended them, then this is the first pane of Johari’s window: things about the image that are known to self and other. Psychologists call this the "open" quadrant. 
Most of the time this will be a satisfying experience. You created the photo with a specific purpose in mind and people acknowledge it. That’s what sharing photographs is all about: successful communication. The more you share photos with others, the bigger this quadrant gets.

2. Known to Self / Unknown to Other If we slide over to the pane on the top right, we run into a situation that usually isn’t so rewarding. People aren’t aware of the idea you’re trying to express in the image. They don’t notice the techniques you used. They just don’t get it and you perhaps end up feeling unappreciated, frustrated, and misunderstood – especially if you were attempting to express some personal thought or feeling in the image. 
What then? Well, you might conclude that your image did not succeed in its attempt to communicate, so you go back to the drawing board and try again. Or you explain the photo. As they say in interpersonal psychology, you might even “self-disclose” to help people understand the personal thought or feeling that you were trying to convey. If that works and they now get it, you successfully managed to slide back over to the first pane. 
Sometimes people actually may be aware of your purpose and efforts in creating the photo, but they just don’t say anything about it. In that case a little bit of inquiry on your part will help you realize that you’re really in a Pane #1 situation – although it sure would be nice for people to acknowledge what they understand without your having to probe to find out. In other situations people may not realize something about the image and you deliberately don't tell them. Maybe there's something personal about the photo that you would rather not disclose, or maybe it involves one of your photography secrets. That's why psychologists sometimes call this the "hidden" quadrant.

3. Unknown to Self / Known to Other Let’s move on to the lower left pane. This is where things start to get interesting - in this "blind" quadrant. People detect aspects of your photo that you hadn’t noticed yourself, sometimes even when you had put a lot of thought and effort into creating the image! If the person points out a flaw, that might be a bit upsetting, as when you didn’t notice the utility pole extending out of the subject’s head. It’s a reminder of how your eye can develop blind spots. 
On the other hand, people may point out something admirable about the image that you hadn’t considered yourself. Maybe it’s something about the composition or the idea being expressed. Images can be so subtle and complex that you can’t notice everything. Sometimes you even overlook an important feature that made it a good shot! 
Lightbulbs really start popping over your head when psychologically astute people perceive something about your personality or lifestyle in the photo even though you had not intended to reveal it. In interpersonal psychology they would say that the other person’s “feedback” triggered an insight for you. With that insight you have now moved back to Pane #1, while on the way feeling an empathic connection with that person. 
This is one of the outcomes of sharing photographs that can be quite fascinating, although sometimes a bit intimidating too. We don’t always realize the unconscious forces that shape our photography. If we take other people's point of view, the situation might be tricky for them as well. Would you point out something about an image when it's clear that the photographer doesn't realize it? How do you do that?

4. Unknown to Self / Unknown to Other The last pane in Johari’s window, on the bottom right, is the most elusive. It's the "unknown" quadrant. Is there something important about your photograph that neither you nor the other person recognize? Perhaps both of you haven’t taken the time or don’t have the eye to notice something subtle about the concept, composition, or technique. Or maybe it’s something about your personality that’s so subtle or hidden that neither of you can see it. But how do you know the difference between a situation where there’s something important that’s unknown to self and other and a situation where there’s nothing important to be known? 
You don’t. That's why it's the mysterious "unknown" quadrant. You’ll only find out by discussing the photo with others, by self-disclosure and feedback. That process might lead you to Pane #3, where the other person comes to realize something about the image that you still don’t. It might lead to Pane #2, where you arrive at an insight into your work while the other person still does not. If the purpose of photography is successful communication with others and even within your own psyche, the process ideally leads once again back to Pane #1, where both of you gain a new understanding of the image and what it means.

- source: http://truecenterpublishing.com/photopsy/johari.htm

The images in this project match the second cathegory of the chart: Known to Self/ Unknown to Other. When the viewers looks at the image, all he/she sees is a photo of a stuffed animal, nothing else. When I look at the image, I see a part of my childhood or an important event in my life. The viewer cannot know that simply because the meaning of the stuffed animal is not the same as it is to me. He can only understand and find out about the story if I choose to explain and describe the event related to the plushie.  

Symbolism

Symbolism - What does it mean?

When you incorporate some of these basic symbols into your photography, there's a good chance that many people will respond to that universal meaning. Intuitively, they'll be able to relate to that image and each other's reaction to it.

That's how symbols work - by that very basic type of thought process known as "association." We associate this with that. This reminds me of that. The lines of association generated by a symbol may radiate in many directions. One way to discover the possible meanings of a symbol is to free associate. 

When you see a particular element of an image, what does it remind you of? What different things do you associate with it? There may be many possibilities, some of them leading to more interesting memories, ideas, and feelings than others. 

- source: http://truecenterpublishing.com/photopsy/symbolism.htm

All the toys depicted in the images lead to memories and feelings related to the people who bought them for me, or the places I have purchased the toy from. Apart from that, they also represent my childhood and certain events in my life. 

Joel Morgovsky - Reading Pictures

Reading Pictures: An Overview

Since the early 1970s social scientists and photographic critics alike contributed to a growing awareness of the personally meaningful nature of photographs.

The psychological mechanisms that combine to infuse pictures with the personal, subjective experience of their makers are not particularly controversial. The selective nature of perception; the mental inclination for creating gestalten (wholes) from sensory fragments; the cognitive schemas that generate top-down processing; the projection of emotionality and non-conscious thought; constitute a partial list of basic psychological processes involved in image making that few would challenge. They operate in nearly all artistic endeavors.

There is much less agreement about how to extract the self-referential content of photographs. My first formal presentation on the process of reading pictures took place in 1981 at the 3rd Annual Conference of the American Association for the Study of Mental Imagery held at Yale University but other approaches to the same phenomena have appeared before and since.

A very early approach was that proposed by R.U. Akeret in a book appropriately titled Photoanalysis (1973). Dr. Akeret described methods for analyzing family photographs to extract indirect information they contained about interpersonal dynamics within the family.

A modern therapeutic approach called Photo Therapy by practitioners has two variations one of which continues on the path marked by Akeret. Judith Weiser's version of Photo Therapy is based on snapshots and other family pictures gathered in the course of everyday life. Joel Walker, a psychiatrist and photographer, uses a set of his own photographs as projective stimuli. Both Weiser and Walker are Canadians.

A third variation called Therapeutic Photography (Spence, 1986) encourages the making of self-portraits which then become tools for studying body image with the goal of coming to terms with physical appearance and, consequently, self-acceptance.

Reading Pictures differs because it is a process in which the photographs under study are those made directly by the client or subject and contains all manner of content. While it is clear that personal information finds its way into photographs there does not seem to be much work being done to develop specific processes for extracting that same information. The analyses of family snapshots or of protocols in response to photographs by others do not address the need for a straightforward approach to "in" and "out". Reading Pictures is meant to close that gap.

For the past 25 years, the techniques I have identified as Reading Pictures has been shared through a series of lectures to amateur photographers as part of workshops for helping amateur photographers develop toward increased personal expression and mature style. There was also a brief time in 1980 when the process was used as part of a counseling program for seniors living in a nursing home.

Doing the work of reading pictures is as much a set of attitudes or mindsets as it is a collection of specific techniques. Six fundamental mindsets essential to the work will be described here: OTIR, RNA, FA, AP, TA, and GSL

The first mindset I call Overcoming The Illusion of Reality (OTIR). Most people look at photographs and become engrossed with the things that are in them. Ducks in the park, the cute grandchild, the elaborate church each is related to as if they were actually present. In fact there is no park, no child, no church at all, there is only the two dimensional representation of those things, not the things themselves. Photographs are often transparent in the sense that viewers look through them to the things they depict. When the photograph itself is recognized as the relevant object, the looking process is transformed and placed on another plane.

The second mindset I call The Rule of No Accidents (RNA). In this frame of mind everything in the photograph is understood as being there on purpose whether that purpose or intent was known at the time the picture was made. Because we organize our visual inputs into wholes as part of the flow of conscious experience, the moment of exposure represents a decision that things appear exactly as we wish at that specific moment. When reading pictures this attitude should be maintained by the viewer.

The third mindset that needed for reading pictures is Free Association (FA). Used here, free association is a term to denote an attitude of openness, by the viewer, to the emotional content of images and not a reference to Freudian methodology. Frequently viewers express feelings of sadness, fun, awe, poignancy or other emotions when looking at pictures. If projection is conceptualized as the emanation of unconscious motives and emotions onto scenes and situations, then free association, taken in this way, operates as the reverse of projection.

Purposeful use of the Attribution Process (AP) as originally proposed by Fritz Heider and Harold Kelley is the fourth mindset important for extracting personal information from pictures. Attributions are guesses about the causes of observed behavior and are either dispositional or situational. Reading pictures capitalizes on this natural tendency. Speculations about the answers to questions like "What does it mean that a person would take this particular photograph, of this subject matter, from this point of view, using these methods?" can produce useful evidence for Reading Pictures.

Thematic Analysis (TA) is a fifth mindset useful for Reading Pictures. It is not unusual for work by a given photographer to hold close to a limited number of cognitive and emotional themes. Being alert and responsive to those themes is important for constructing a working model of the maker's experiential world.

Genre and Skill Level(GSL) refer to other characteristics of photographs that can be factored into the work of Reading Pictures. Landscape, still-life, portraiture, documentary, straight, surreal, are examples of genre. Skill level is revealed by the degree of mastery over the medium and the sophistication of topics chosen for study. Higher skill levels signal clearer intent and greater eloquence.

Skill level opens the door to a related phenomenon I call Levels of Articulation (LOA). LOA refers metaphorically to the degree of eloquence encountered in sets of photographs. In the same sense that writers express themselves with words, sculptors with forms and painters with images, photographers vary in the degree to which their cognitive and emotional experience are expressed in their photographs. I propose that photographers become more articulate as they reach one of three stages of artistic development: Innocents, Amateurs, and Mature photographers.

Innocents is a term I use to refer to the millions of camera owners who take pictures on an irregular basis for chronicling family events, vacations and special moments. Innocents do not consider themselves photographers beyond a functional level. Innocents are often the least articulate photographers. Still, given sufficient numbers of images, the work of Reading Pictures can still proceed from the work of innocents.

Amateurs are people who overtly enjoy photography, who join photography clubs and societies, who read photography magazines and who analyze and discuss matters photographic. In large measure, amateur photographers have been my main audience for the last two decades.

Amateurs are generally more articulate than Innocents. Advanced amateurs are very sophisticated and talented. Even so, there can be obstacles in the way of getting to know amateurs through their pictures: these I call the Mask of Homage and the Technical mask.

Since amateurs read about photography and famous photographers they are often inspired to imitate pictures they have admired in the work of others. Being successful at making pictures like those by Ansel Adams or Mary Ellen Mark (for example) amateurs are, consequently, less personally expressive. They are, in effect, taking someone else's pictures; hidden behind a Mask of Homage.

Photography is also a technical arena. Cameras, lenses, light sources, chemicals, film types and now digital technology can become the focus of an amateur's attention. The acquisition of a new lens, for example, can launch a photographer into a protracted period of experimentation that is more about technical mastery and less about personal expression. Under those circumstances the pictures that result may be less articulate because the photographer's identity is hidden behind a Technical Mask.

Those I call Mature photographers consciously use the medium as a means of creative self-expression. They have developed individual ways of seeing, personal styles, which permeate most of their work. Mature photographers are the most articulate and reading just a few images by them yields fruitful harvests.

Borrowing from the twin realms of psychological practice and photographic criticism, Reading Pictures is a new way of looking at photographs that enriches the general experience, assists photographers with self-discovery, and offers new possibilities for professional application.

Source:  http://www.readingpictures.net/reading-pictures-an-overview